
(Sept 25): A pardon, reprieve or respite may be granted under Article 42 of the Federal Constitution following conviction. Neither a pardon, a reprieve, nor a respite, constitutes an exoneration of guilt or removal of wrongdoing. They do not “wipe the slate clean” of the prior conviction.
Although Najib appealed against the above, he later withdrew his appeal without liberty to file afresh. The High Court's judgement therefore remains undisturbed, i.e. the issue of house arrest (if any) presently falls under the purview of the commissioner general of prisons.
Judge Loke in the addendum order case held that there is no legal provision for a house arrest mechanism in Malaysia. The home minister confirmed that no house arrest legislation exists and the relevant authorities are awaiting written notification of the terms of Najib’s second pardon. He also stated that the Cabinet has approved in principle the drafting and tabling of a House Arrest Act.
The reference to Kenneth Lee Fook Mun’s previous purported house arrest by way of a pardon does not constitute legal authority nor justification for saying that Malaysia has a formal legal “house arrest” framework. It is unclear if that case arose by way of a Pardons Board decision or under licence of the commissioner general of prisons under Section 43 of the Prisons Act 1995. Kenneth’s case also does not appear to have been tested in court nor to have received any judicial endorsement. Kenneth’s case therefore does not constitute a legal precedent for granting house arrest.
Finally, from our research to date, there appear to be no standard operating procedures or guidelines in place for house arrest. A whole new ecosystem of rules and procedures would be required to operationalise house arrest. There remain numerous legal uncertainties surrounding house arrest, Umno’s proposed RM50 million fundraiser and the second pardon in relation to the first pardon, which require further examination. However, given the reported return of the earlier RM114,164,393.44 to Najib’s representative, it is unclear why Umno needs to raise funds from the public. Such a public fundraiser may also involve other legal considerations. It is also unclear why it has been reported that Najib says most of his assets are frozen when it appears that more than enough of his assets (that were previously seized) have already been returned to cover the RM50 million fine, without the need for a public fundraiser. Perhaps there may be other assets (which were not seized around May 2018) which may have been frozen, but this is not clear nor have any details been made available publicly.
The Malaysian Bar adopts the joint statement issued by civil society groups and individuals, including Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan and Maria Chin Abdullah, and calls upon the Pardons Board and the Prime Minister’s Department to:
This is yet another reason why the Malaysian Bar has consistently called for a meaningful freedom of information framework to guarantee public access to such information.
Recent events may prompt other prisoners to petition for similar pardons, reprieves or respites. Accordingly, clear and objective criteria, made known in advance, are crucial to avoid any perceptions of preferential treatment for Najib. On what basis may any other convict or prisoner seek a similar pardon, reprieve or respite? Article 8(1) of the Federal Constitution (quoted by judge Nazlan in the SRC judgement), which provides the answer (and entrenches the constitutional right to equality before the law), reads as follows:
While the law and house arrest ecosystem are still in the process of being formulated, it is axiomatic that the Pardons Board(s) will now receive many more petitions for house arrest.
The Malaysian Bar will, through its solicitors, challenge the decision and advice of the Pardons Board concerning the second pardon, while maintaining its appeal in relation to the Pardons Board’s decision and advice on the first pardon.
Anand Raj is the Malaysian Bar president.