Wednesday 30 Sep 2026
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This article first appeared in The Edge Malaysia Weekly on June 1, 2026 - June 7, 2026

America monetises innovation.
China industrialises competition.

The defining economic competition of the 21st century is no longer capitalism versus socialism. It is increasingly a competition between two different forms of capitalism — one where capital ultimately disciplines the state, and another where the state ultimately disciplines capital.

The US represents the world’s most sophisticated form of market capitalism. China represents an increasingly powerful form of state-bounded capitalism.

Both systems use markets.

Both rely heavily on private enterprise.

Both reward innovation, competition and scale.

But they optimise for very different outcomes.

The ancient foundational philosophies that differentiate America and China may still have huge explanatory power today.

Echoing Christianity 2,000 years ago, America’s Declaration of Independence in 1776 states:

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”

Hence, the primacy of private control over capital; whereas Confucianism in China around 500BC prioritised the social unit — family — and by extension, the nation. Capital and markets are the tools to be marshalled by the state in the primary interest of the nation’s goals and outcomes.

And that difference increasingly explains why:

  • American companies dominate global equity markets;
  • Chinese companies dominate the industrial ecosystem;
  • US firms generate extraordinary shareholder returns; and
  • China keeps producing brutally competitive manufacturing capacity at astonishing speed.

The future of the global economy may ultimately not depend on which system innovates more, but which one compounds power more sustainably.

America builds corporate giants, China builds societal ecosystems

The American model is fundamentally built around the primacy of capital. Private ownership, shareholder returns, intellectual property protection, deep capital markets and scaleable profit incentives form the core of the system.

The American state certainly matters enormously. Silicon Valley itself emerged from decades of defence spending, research grants, university ecosystems and state-backed technological development. America has long deployed industrial policy through aerospace, semiconductor, energy, defence, pharmaceutical and research funding.

But critically, the American system still allows private capital to dominate the commercial outcome. Once companies succeed, they are generally allowed to:

  • Expand aggressively;
  • Consolidate market power;
  • Protect margins;
  • Monetise intellectual property; and
  • Compound shareholder wealth over long periods.

This is why America repeatedly creates globally dominant corporate giants — not merely in technology today, but across multiple industrial eras. These include Ford Motor Co, General Motors, Boeing, Coca-Cola, IBM, Walmart, ExxonMobil, Pfizer, Microsoft, Amazon, Apple, Google, Meta and Nvidia.

The sectors change. The mechanism remains remarkably consistent.

Deep capital markets reward future profitability aggressively. High valuations reduce the cost of capital. Cheap capital funds more research, acquisitions, talent and long-duration risk-taking.

This creates a powerful self-reinforcing cycle:

  • Innovation creates profits;
  • Profits create high valuations;
  • High valuations create cheap capital;
  • Cheap capital funds more innovation.

American capitalism therefore excels at producing frontier innovation and extraordinarily profitable global champions.

The objective is growth and abundance, and in doing so comes dominance.

And once dominance is achieved, the system becomes extraordinarily powerful.

Software scales globally.

Patents are protected through American legal and geopolitical power.

Platforms lock in users.

Network effects strengthen over time.

Markets, therefore, assign very high valuations because investors believe future profit pools can persist for decades. This is why American technology firms often trade at valuation multiples far above the rest of the world.

Importantly, those valuations are not merely symbols of optimism. They are strategic weapons. High valuations allow companies to:

  • Raise capital cheaply;
  • Absorb losses longer;
  • Hire the best talent globally;
  • Acquire competitors; and
  • Finance moonshot technologies at enormous scale and risk.

America’s greatest strength is therefore not simply innovation itself. It is the ability to financially weaponise successful innovation through capital markets.

China industrialises competition

China evolved differently. It is no longer remotely close to classical socialism. Nor is it a traditional command economy. Its growth over the past four decades has been overwhelmingly driven by private-sector incentives, entrepreneurship, competition and industrial ambition.

China’s most dynamic sectors — electric vehicles (EVs), e-commerce, batteries, logistics, consumer technology and manufacturing — are dominated by intensely competitive private or quasi-private firms.

Tencent, Alibaba, BYD, Meituan, Xiaomi, CATL, DJI, Shein and Huawei did not emerge simply because the state ordered them into existence. They emerged because firms were forced to compete relentlessly on cost, speed, manufacturing, operational execution and, increasingly, technology.

China understands something many ideological debates ignore: Efficiency ultimately requires incentives, competition and private-sector pressure. Purely state-run systems eventually become bureaucratic and inefficient.

But unlike the American model, China does not allow capital to become fully autonomous from national priorities. Markets are permitted. Competition is encouraged. Entrepreneurship is rewarded.

China’s next-generation industrial policy

By Rhodium Group for the US Chamber of Commerce (May 2026)

A concise summary:

Core thesis

China is not retreating from industrial policy despite slowing growth, overcapacity, weak domestic demand and geopolitical pressure. Instead, Beijing is doubling down and expanding industrial policy into virtually every layer of the economy — what the report calls “industrial policy of everything”.

Key takeaways

1.China’s industrial policy is becoming far broader.

The old Made in China 2025 focused mainly on selected strategic sectors like semiconductors, robotics, electric vehicles (EVs), aerospace and biotech. The new phase expands into:

  • Entire supply chains;
  • Upstream inputs and machinery;
  • Mature industries (steel, chemicals, shipbuilding);
  • Services;
  • Frontier technologies (artificial intelligence [AI], quantum, fusion, brain-computing interfaces, embodied AI).

The report argues China now seeks dominance not just in final products, but also in:

  • Materials;
  • Components;
  • Industrial software;
  • Production equipment;
  • Industrial ecosystems themselves.

2.China believes its industrial model works.

Despite Western criticism, Beijing sees the last decade as largely successful:

  • Import dependence reduced;
  • Domestic champions created;
  • Global market share gained;
  • Supply chains localised;
  • EVs, batteries, solar and telecom became globally dominant.

China acknowledges weakness remains in:

  • High-end semiconductors;
  • Aerospace;
  • Advanced biotech;
  • Certain industrial technologies.

But rather than abandoning the model, Beijing is refining it.

3.AI is now central to China’s industrial strategy.

AI is treated not just as a tech sector, but as foundational infrastructure for the whole economy.

China is:

  • Subsidising AI deployment;
  • Using state-owned enterprises or SOEs and government procurement to create demand;
  • Embedding AI into manufacturing, logistics, software, EVs, appliances and industrial systems.

The strategy resembles what China previously did with:

  • EVs;
  • Solar;
  • Batteries.

Create domestic scale first, then export globally.

However, the report highlights a major weakness: China’s domestic market monetises software poorly. Chinese users and enterprises are less willing to pay high prices for digital services, compressing AI profitability.

This is pushing Chinese AI firms to:

  • Expand aggressively overseas;
  • Open-source models; and
  • Compete mainly on price.

4.China is upgrading mature industries instead of shrinking them.

Unlike previous cycles where Beijing tried to cut excess capacity, today’s approach is to:

  • Upgrade factories;
  • Improve technology;
  • Increase efficiency;
  • Push firms upmarket,
  • Gain global market share.

This applies to:

  • Steel;
  • Petrochemicals;
  • Shipbuilding;
  • Solar;
  • EVs;
  • Heavy industries.

The report warns that this likely entrenches overcapacity because China still prioritises production and exports over domestic consumption.

5.China’s global manufacturing dominance is accelerating.

The report describes a “China Shock 2.0”. Since 2019:

  • China’s manufacturing surplus has roughly doubled to about US$2 trillion.
  • China’s share of global exports in many industrial sectors continues to rise rapidly.
  • China increasingly dominates upstream industrial inputs and machinery, not just consumer goods.

A major point:

Traditional trade data understates China’s rise because falling Chinese prices hide the true growth in physical volume.

6.The real strategic risk: dependency

The report argues the bigger issue is not cheap exports alone, but growing dependency on Chinese industrial systems. Examples include:

  • Critical minerals;
  • Magnets;
  • Chemicals;
  • Machinery;
  • Industrial components;
  • Production equipment.

China is also building tools to prevent diversification:

  • Export controls;
  • Restrictions on critical minerals;
  • Legal and regulatory leverage;
  • Supply-chain lock-in.

7.Chinese firms are globalising but production remains China-centric.

Chinese companies are investing overseas, but mainly in:

  • Assembly;
  • Sales;
  • Distribution.

Core inputs and manufacturing still largely stay in China. So overseas investments often strengthen China-centred supply chains rather than replace them.

The report’s underlying conclusion

The authors argue that:

  • China’s industrial policy is becoming more coordinated, systemic and technologically ambitious.
  • Western economies underestimated its effectiveness.
  • The window to respond is narrowing.

Without coordinated industrial responses, advanced economies risk:

  • Losing manufacturing competitiveness.
  • Losing industrial ecosystem.
  • Becoming structurally dependent on Chinese supply chains.

The deeper implication beneath the report

The report indirectly reveals something larger: China is no longer merely competing product by product. It is trying to dominate:

  • Entire industrial systems;
  • Supply chain layers;
  • Manufacturing ecosystems;
  • Future technology commercialisation;
  • Embedded industrial standards.

In other words:

The competition is shifting from “who builds the best products” to “who controls the industrial architecture underneath the global economy”.

Scan QR code or click for the full Rhodium Group report, “China’s Next-Generation Industrial Policy”.

Scan or click image:

But the state remains above capital.

Strategic sectors are guided. Finance remains heavily influenced by policy. Data and platforms remain politically sensitive. And whenever private capital becomes too dominant or socially destabilising, intervention follows.

The philosophical assumption is fundamentally different.

In the American model, markets are assumed to optimise society.

In the Chinese model, markets are tools to strengthen society, industrial capability and national capacity.

That distinction profoundly changes corporate behaviour.

American firms are generally optimised for maximum profitability per user.

Chinese firms are often optimised for:

  • Scale;
  • Affordability;
  • Industrial depth;
  • Market penetration; and
  • Ecosystem expansion.

The ride-hailing industry illustrates this clearly. In the US, Uber rides are materially more expensive because the ecosystem ultimately rewards pricing power and margin expansion once dominance is achieved. Various industry and consumer comparisons suggest a typical 5km DiDi ride in China costs around US$2 to US$3.50, while a comparable UberX ride in the US commonly costs US$8 to US$15. This difference is not merely labour costs, but deeper institutional structure.

In China, competition between platforms remained far more intense, pricing stayed lower, and affordability remained socially and politically important.

The result is that Chinese firms often operate within ecosystems where:

  • Competition is relentless;
  • Margins are compressed;
  • Copying spreads rapidly; and
  • Permanent monopoly extraction is far less tolerant.

Two capitalisms, two forms of innovation

This creates very different forms of innovation. American innovation still dominates many frontier technologies:

  • Advanced software;
  • Semiconductor design;
  • Aerospace;
  • Biotechnology;
  • Cloud infrastructure;
  • Operating systems;
  • Venture capital ecosystems; and
  • Global financial architecture.

Chinese innovation increasingly dominates:

  • Manufacturing efficiency;
  • Cost reduction;
  • Supply-chain integration;
  • Industrial engineering;
  • Hardware scaling; and
  • Rapid mass-market adoption.

America remains exceptionally strong at innovation and monetisation.

China is becoming exceptionally strong at industrialisation and execution.

The EV sector illustrates the contrast clearly. China developed an extraordinarily dense and competitive EV ecosystem involving dozens of domestic firms competing simultaneously across:

  • Batteries;
  • Charging infrastructure;
  • Autonomous systems;
  • Software integration;
  • Manufacturing; and
  • Supply chains.

Competition itself became industrial policy.

When dozens of firms compete intensely:

  • Costs fall;
  • Supply chains deepen;
  • Manufacturing improves;
  • Technology diffuses faster; and
  • Adoption accelerates.

The result is industrial depth.

But this model also produces enormous stress:

  • Overcapacity emerges;
  • Margins collapse;
  • Debt rises;
  • Duplicated investments proliferate;
  • Capital destruction becomes common.

China’s industrial system is extraordinarily competitive precisely because it is often brutally unforgiving.

Only the strongest firms survive.

Why American stocks win — and why China still matters

This also explains why American equity markets have dramatically outperformed Chinese markets over long periods.

American capitalism is structurally designed to reward shareholders aggressively. When companies succeed, investors benefit through:

  • Expanding margins;
  • Rising valuations;
  • Durable pricing power;
  • Market concentration; and
  • Long-duration profit extraction.

China’s system is not primarily designed around maximising shareholder returns. It seeks to balance:

  • Employment;
  • Social stability;
  • Industrial capability;
  • Affordability;
  • Technological independence; and
  • National resilience.

Shareholders are important but they are not supreme. And when shareholder interests conflict with broader national priorities, capital is not always protected.

This explains why many Chinese firms achieved enormous scale, revenue and technological sophistication, yet still delivered disappointing long-term equity returns relative to American peers.

The ecosystem intentionally suppresses excessive monopoly economics.

Competition remains intense. Margins are competed away. Policy risk remains ever present.

But China’s model also faces a major long-term contradiction. High valuations are not merely market vanity. They are strategic financing tools.

If companies remain structurally undervalued for prolonged periods:

  • Capital becomes more expensive;
  • Long-duration research becomes harder;
  • Talent attraction weakens; and
  • Innovation financing eventually slows.

America risks excessive capital dominance. China risks not rewarding capital sufficiently. That may become the defining economic tension of the coming decades.

The next phase: China exports industrial power

And it may already be shaping China’s next phase of corporate expansion. If domestic competition permanently constraints profitability, Chinese firms will increasingly seek higher-margin international markets.

This is already visible across:

  • EVs;
  • Batteries;
  • Drones;
  • Consumer electronics;
  • Solar;
  • Industrial equipment; and increasingly
  • Digital platforms and technologies.

China’s domestic market has effectively become the world’s largest training ground. Only the strongest firms survive its brutal internal competition. And once those firms expand globally, they may encounter something China itself often does not provide:

  • Higher margins;
  • Wealthier consumers;
  • Less intense competition; and
  • Stronger pricing power.

If Chinese firms eventually combine Chinese-scale efficiency with global pricing power, the implications for American, European and Asian companies could become profound.

America remains extraordinarily good at monetising innovation. But China is becoming extraordinarily good at industrialising competition itself.

Both America and China are deeply capitalist and incentive-driven

The deeper geopolitical reality

The real competition is no longer merely economics. It is increasingly about different forms of power. America’s system compounds financial and technological dominance:

  • Reserve currency strength;
  • Deep capital markets;
  • Software ecosystems;
  • Intellectual property;
  • Financial infrastructure; and
  • Global investor alignment.

China’s system compounds industrial dominance:

  • Manufacturing ecosystem;
  • Supply-chain control;
  • Battery production;
  • Critical minerals refining;
  • Industrial hardware; and
  • Physical production capacity.

One builds financial empires. The other builds industrial gravity. And both models increasingly compete to shape geopolitics.

Conclusion

The defining battle of this century may therefore not be capitalism versus socialism, nor democracy versus authoritarianism. Both America and China are deeply capitalist in their own ways. The real difference is whether capital ultimately serves the state — or whether the state ultimately serves capital.

America builds dominant profit machines. China builds relentless industrial ecosystems.

One concentrates capital. The other compounds capacity.

One produces extraordinary stock market winners. The other produces extraordinarily competitive industries.

And the world may still be underestimating how powerful China’s model could become if it eventually learns not merely how to industrialise competition, but how to monetise it globally.

Next week, we present the second half of this article on how China strategically uses its savings from net exports to strengthen its industrial competitiveness and contrast it with Japan.

Portfolio commentary

The Malaysian Portfolio gained 0.4% for the week ended May 26, outperforming the benchmark FBM KLCI, which fell 1.1%. The winners were Hong Leong Industries (+3.1%), LPI Capital (+2%) and recent addition, Public Bank (+0.4%). Our acquisition of 12,500 shares in Public Bank increased total invested capital to 64.6%. Meanwhile, the biggest losers for the week were Kim Loong Resources (-1.6%), Maybank (-1.1%) and United Plantations (-0.1%). Total portfolio returns now stand at 216.7% since inception. This portfolio is outperforming the benchmark FBM KLCI, which is down 7.1% over the same period, by a long, long way.

We made several changes to the Absolute Returns and AI Portfolios. What we have articulated above has profound implications for us as investors. It strongly suggests that the US equity market will outperform Chinese stocks, given their higher and more durable profitability and primary objective of maximising shareholder returns. This being the case, we have pared our exposure to Chinese-based stocks in both portfolios. We also disposed of our gold investment.

The Absolute Returns Portfolio fell 1% last week, reducing total portfolio returns to 32.2% since inception. The sole gainer was Schneider Electric (+1.6%) whereas the losers were Alibaba (-5.8%), Sun Hung Kai Properties (-3.7%) and Berkshire Hathaway (-0.2%). Cash holdings increased to 73.1%. We intend to reinvest part of our cash in the US soon.

The AI Portfolio, once again, outperformed by gaining 6.9% for the week. Total portfolio returns since inception now stand at 27.4%. The biggest gainers were Unusual Machines (+31%), Hewlett Packard Enterprise (+10.1%) and Cadence Design Systems, Inc (+6.6%) while the sole loser was Alibaba (-5.8%). As mentioned above, we will reinvest the sales proceeds in the coming days.


Disclaimer: This is a personal portfolio for information purposes only and does not constitute a recommendation or solicitation or expression of views to influence readers to buy/sell stocks. Our shareholders, directors and employees may have positions in or may be materially interested in any of the stocks. We may also have or have had dealings with or may provide or have provided content services to the companies mentioned in the reports.

Two reports, two interpretations of China

The contrast between our article, “The political economy of modern capitalism” and the Rhodium Group/US Chamber of Commerce report, “China’s Next-Generation Industrial Policy” is not really about facts. It is about interpretation.

The Rhodium report is fundamentally a warning document. It argues that China’s industrial policy is becoming broader, deeper and more systematic — an “industrial policy of everything” stretching from upstream raw materials and manufacturing inputs to advanced technologies, services and global expansion.

Its conclusion is clear: China’s model represents a strategic threat to G7 industrial competitiveness.

Our argument reaches a different conclusion from largely the same evidence. The deeper issue is not simply state intervention, subsidies or industrial policy. It is the emergence of two different forms of capitalism.

The American model monetises innovation primarily through capital markets, high margins, intellectual property and shareholder returns. The Chinese model industrialises competition through manufacturing scale, ecosystem depth, affordability, relentless execution and state-bounded private enterprise.

The Rhodium report largely interprets China through the lens of distortion: subsidies, overcapacity, import substitution, trade dominance and state-backed competitive pressure.

Those risks are real. But the report may also unintentionally reveal something else:

China’s rise cannot be explained by central planning alone. In fact, many of the very conditions repeatedly highlighted in the report point to the limits of central planning itself.

No state — regardless of competence — can realistically orchestrate competitive superiority simultaneously across virtually every industrial layer, technology stack, supply chain and consumer category purely through bureaucratic direction.

Governments can successfully prioritise strategic sectors. They can direct funding, coordinate infrastructure, shape regulation, accelerate adoption and reduce national bottlenecks. But they cannot centrally plan millions of firm-level decisions:

  • Pricing;
  • Product iteration;
  • Supply-chain optimisation;
  • Manufacturing learning curves;
  • Distribution efficiency;
  • Consumer adaptation; and
  • Technological experimentation across an economy of China’s scale.

The evidence inside China itself reflects this reality. The same system that produces extraordinary industrial depth also repeatedly produces:

  • Overcapacity;
  • Margin collapse;
  • Duplicated investments;
  • Debt accumulation;
  • Capital wastage; and
  • Destructive price wars.

These are not signs of a perfectly coordinated machine.

They are signs of intensely competitive firms responding to incentives — often excessively, chaotically and brutally.

What the Rhodium report repeatedly describes — collapsing margins, rapid product diffusion, relentless cost compression and hyper-competition — looks less like traditional state monopoly behaviour and more like aggressive capitalist market dynamics operating within state-defined boundaries.

That distinction matters because it explains why Chinese products often become extraordinarily affordable domestically. Low prices are not necessarily evidence of weakness or irrationality. They are often evidence of a system optimised for industrial scale, manufacturing depth and ecosystem efficiency rather than immediate shareholder extraction.

This is also why many Chinese consumer products increasingly undercut Western competitors so dramatically. In many sectors, Chinese firms are not optimising for premium margins. They are optimising for scale, production dominance, learning curves and long-term ecosystem positioning.

A comparable product from Dyson may sell at many multiples the price of an equivalent product from Xiaomi. The difference is not merely labour cost. It reflects fundamentally different competitive systems and profit expectations.

But this model creates its own contradictions. If domestic competition permanently compresses profitability, firms eventually require overseas markets not simply for growth, but for survival of the innovation cycle itself.

Higher overseas margins, stronger global valuations and lower capital costs ultimately finance:

  • Long-duration research;
  • Talent acquisition;
  • Technological leadership; and
  • Future expansion.

In that sense, global expansion of Chinese companies becomes structurally necessary. Not necessarily because Chinese firms seek geopolitical dominance, but because the domestic system itself often struggles to generate sufficient profitability to sustain long-term capital formation.

Ironically, the same forces that create China’s manufacturing strength may also compel its firms to internationalise aggressively.

This is where the Rhodium report misread the mechanism. It interprets external expansion primarily through the lens of strategic intent and state ambition. But part of the expansion may simply reflect capitalist necessity inside a brutally competitive industrial system. The report is therefore strongest not in proving omnipotent central planning, but in documenting the sheer intensity of China’s industrial competition.

And perhaps that is the more uncomfortable conclusion for the West. China’s rise may not ultimately be the triumph of central planning over markets. It may instead be the emergence of a different form of capitalism altogether — one where the state sets the boundaries, but private firms still compete with extraordinary ferocity within them.

“Intentions are often inferred not from truth, but from the observer’s own internal world.”

China’s titans are victims of China’s own success

The US equity market has significantly outperformed Chinese stocks in recent years, led by tech and related energy and industrial sectors, driven by the artificial intelligence (AI) infrastructure boom. This is underscored by the huge market gains of the US’ “Magnificent Seven” stocks compared with the equivalent Chinese “Seven Titans” (the seven leading Chinese tech companies comprising Alibaba Group, Tencent, BYD, Xiaomi, JD.com, NetEase and Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corp [SMIC]) (see Charts 1 and 2).

A recent article by Nikkei Asia, “China’s ‘Seven Titans’ tech stocks slump as deflation overpowers AI boom” (scan QR code or click image), laid the blame for the titans’ sluggish performance on deflationary pressures due to weak domestic demand. This is an oversimplification. While it is true that China’s economic involution, characterised by a cut-throat, fight-to-the-death price war, has contributed to weakening corporate profitability, the underlying root cause is less about domestic demand than it is about the fact that China is building intensely competitive and deep industry ecosystems. This is precisely the core thesis of our main article.

Scan or click image:

It is clear to us now that, at least for the near term, the underperformance of Chinese tech companies is structural. Consequently, we have sold most of the Chinese stocks in our two global portfolios and will be adding US tech stocks. This strategic decision reflects the arguments in this article, as well as those in the previous week, where despite the huge gains in stock prices, valuations for US tech are supported by the strong rise in earnings.

Next week (the second part on this topic), we will explain why US tech monetisation of innovation can be more resilient than most assumed. — By Tong Kooi Ong + Asia Analytica

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