This article first appeared in The Edge Malaysia Weekly on March 17, 2025 - March 23, 2025

ON the evening of March 16, 2020, Malaysians tuned in to an unscheduled live broadcast by then prime minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin. As he addressed the nation, the weight of an unprecedented crisis was palpable.

The movement control order (MCO) would begin on March 18 — a drastic measure to curb the spread of Covid-19. Streets emptied, shutters fell and a nation braced for uncertainty.

But as businesses closed and families stayed home, Malaysia’s political theatre remained restless. The MCO arrived barely a month after the so-called Sheraton Move — a political manoeuvre that caused the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government, as Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad resigned as prime minister and derailed the long anticipated succession to Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

Instead of Anwar, Muhyiddin seized the day to become premier, and ushered in the rule of Perikatan Nasional (PN). It was a government forged not through a general election but realignments of parliamentary blocs, resting on a delicate majority. While the virus spread, political instability grew apace.

Summing up the effect of the political manoeuvring, Datuk Dr Ooi Kee Beng, executive director of Penang Institute, opines: “[The Sheraton Move] added strongly to the cynicism in Malaysian society that its political class can go beyond the struggle for power, and the fixation with racial politics. Mahathir’s political capital also reached its lowest ever.”

The five years since that first lockdown have been a roller coaster of political upheavals and power shifts, intertwined with the nation’s battle against Covid-19. As both the health and political crises unfolded, the then Yang di-Pertuan Agong Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri’ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah, emerged as a pivotal figure in maintaining stability.

However, his decision to declare a state of emergency in early 2021, suspending parliament, drew mixed reactions — was it a necessary pause for public health or a favourable respite for Muhyiddin that spared him the test of a no-confidence vote?

“The Agong played the role thrust upon him very well. However, that also showed that the political class in Malaysia is fixated with power more than with ideas of national progress,” says Ooi.

However, the Sheraton Move is not seen in entirely negative terms by Sunway University political scientist Prof Wong Chin Huat.

“I hold a counter-intuitive and likely unpopular view that the Sheraton Move was a blessing in disguise for Malaysia. The worst that can happen to a country in a pandemic is either a government that makes irrational decisions (whether too lenient, ‘no lockdown, no mask’ or too restrictive, ‘Zero Covid’) or an opposition that is bent on irresponsibly exploiting popular resentment against the government’s pandemic policies,” he tells The Edge.

“In Malaysia’s case, the most important decision could be whether or not to close down the mosques. The country’s healthcare system and economy would have collapsed if mosques, churches and temples operated as usual. So, the successful management of Covid-19 must be credited to both the government — Muhyiddin was not a Donald Trump — and the opposition was cooperative and rational.”

In the early days of the MCO, then director-general of health Tan Sri Dr Noor Hisham Abdullah became a household name, leading daily briefings with professional assurance at a time of uncertainty, the tragic loss of lives and economic pain. In contrast, then health minister Datuk Seri Dr Adham Baba courted disbelief with a suggestion that drinking warm water would “kill” the virus.

“Figures such as Dr Noor Hisham were important and restored public trust in the bureaucracy at a time when some politicians were embroiled in bickering and others making poorly judged statements, remember ‘drink warm water to avoid Covid’?” says Merdeka Center for Opinion Research co-founder and programmes director Ibrahim Suffian.

Public confidence in Noor Hisham’s science-led updates stood in contrast to the turbulence of the political landscape. Acting CEO of the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) Aira Azhari notes the significance of his role in reassuring the public.

“With trust in politicians severely eroded, it was important to have a trusted senior civil servant like Dr Noor Hisham to assure the public that the pandemic was being managed. He represented an institution that is perceived to be above politics, ensuring some stability and confidence were restored,” she says.

Just months into the pandemic, the 2020 Sabah election became a super-spreader event. Rallies proceeded, politicians travelled and cases surged. The election, triggered by a political coup, highlighted how the hunger for power essentially outweighed public safety considerations.

By mid-2021, as Malaysia raced towards herd immunity with one of Southeast Asia’s fastest vaccination rollouts — despite a late start compared with some of our neighbours — Muhyiddin’s grip on power loosened. His last-ditch attempt to placate Umno — PN’s fragile ally — as well as PH in the opposition, fell short.

Umno’s eventual withdrawal of support forced Muhyiddin’s resignation in August 2021, paving the way for Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob to become Malaysia’s third prime minister in as many years.

Ismail Sabri’s “Keluarga Malaysia” concept sought to reunite a weary nation, but the slogan often felt disconnected from ground realities. Unity, it seemed, remained elusive.

“The pandemic exposed many Malaysians to the limits of government competence and ability to overcome emergencies,” says Ibrahim. “More so, the devastating effects the lockdowns had on the broader economy and household incomes. The economic pressures of that period probably led to many voters opting to support the opposition PAS-Bersatu and PH [in the 2022 general election], causing BN-Umno to face its worst election outing ever.”

Eventually, the general election in 2022, held amid a cautious recovery, delivered Malaysia’s first-ever hung parliament. After days of negotiation, Anwar — now popularly referred to as PMX — finally emerged as prime minister, after over two decades outside the seat of power.

The formation of a unity government encompassing PH and Barisan Nasional (BN) was a political about-turn, starting a new chapter following their decades-long rivalry. The monarchy’s influence was once again pivotal, with the Agong stepping in as a kingmaker, a role he had also played in 2020.

“Both in 2020 and 2022, the King was literally the king maker in deciding who would govern Malaysia,” notes Prof Bridget Welsh, honorary research associate with the University of Nottingham Malaysia. “This has reduced the power of voters and expanded powers beyond a traditional constitutional monarchy. At the same time, it has proven to maintain stability.”

The unity government was a fragile marriage of necessity, with political dynamics heavily shaped by pandemic-era insecurities, which Welsh observes boosted conservative forces and strengthened PN’s influence — with the rise of the “Green Wave”, a reference to growing Islamic sentiment — through the amplification of political polarisation online.

Wong, again, offers a different perspective, reflecting that the immediate pressure to form a government may have undermined long-term stability.

“The political parties should have been allowed to take their time to negotiate on government formation rather than being pushed to a quick marriage within 48 hours,” he says. Wong suggests that a smoother transition with Ismail Sabri as caretaker prime minister could have allowed for a more stable coalition-building process.

Nevertheless, he acknowledges that the current outcome is a pragmatic one, as a “grand coalition” with no opposition could risk corruption and power abuse, as well as inter-ministerial conflicts that might paralyse governance.

“With credit given to Muhyiddin who declined the royal nudging for a national unity government, the Madani government is only a super-sized coalition government, not a grand coalition,” Wong adds, emphasising that at least the current arrangement avoids the pitfalls of an over-bloated administration.

Today, Malaysians reflect on those years with a blend of resilience and weariness. The nation has emerged from the pandemic’s shadow, but political scars remain. The push for economic recovery, institutional reforms and the strengthening of democratic processes is still ongoing.

The MCO’s fifth anniversary is not just a marker of the pandemic but a reminder of Malaysia’s political endurance. The virus tested public health infrastructure, while political shifts tested democratic foundations. In the face of adversity, Malaysia navigated both — sometimes faltering, sometimes surprising, but always pushing forward.

However, this evolution was not without cost. Ibrahim notes that post-pandemic revelations of missteps and fund mismanagement during the period underscore the need for constant public oversight. “Regardless of what the situation is, accountability is needed, and the public needs to stay on top of things and retain oversight of the political system and its actors.”

Aira adds that political trust remains fragile, warning that behind-the-scenes dealmaking, while constitutionally valid, risks undermining public confidence.

“Our politicians should realise that the public’s trust should never be taken for granted,” she says. “Toppling governments, although constitutional, violates democratic legitimacy and the people’s trust — which is especially troubling in a time when political institutions all over the world are suffering from mistrust and even decay.”

While current global uncertainties remain on the horizon, the collective memory of lockdowns, daily briefings and vaccine drives serves as a reminder of the resilience that carried Malaysia through that dark episode.

As the country looks ahead, one question lingers: has Malaysia truly learnt from that turbulent phase, or is the next chapter of its political drama just waiting to unfold?

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